Overview:
Colorado’s 2026 Republican governor race pits establishment pragmatists against populist hardliners over primaries, policy and power.
Nine of the 20 Republican gubernatorial hopefuls gathered for the 2026 Republican Gubernatorial Primary Candidates Forum at the Denver Press Club on Oct. 2. The crowded room indicated interest in a party eager to return to power in a state that has not elected a Republican governor since 2002.
Former U.S. Representative Greg Lopez captured the frustration and energy of the forum. “It’s been a constant, complete erosion under all the previous chairs,” he said. “Despite all of the fighting and name-calling and drama, the Republican Party actually managed to, I think, turn a corner last year.”
For those at the forum, the primary concern was not political theater, but how prospective governors plan to address Colorado’s looming “Era of Austerity.” With sales tax collections flat and job growth lagging, vulnerable communities are desperate for comprehensive solutions to the rising cost of living.
The Republican primary for governor, which will take place on June 30, 2026, is shaping up as a clear contest between two distinct ideological approaches vying to lead the state.
On one side stand the establishment governor candidates, exemplified by figures like State Senator Barbara Kirkmeyer. These individuals emphasize long records of local government service (Kirkmeyer served two decades as a Weld County Commissioner) and fiscal conservatism while acknowledging the need to “work across the aisle” on budget issues.
“It’s time that we have a governor who knows how to govern,” Kirkmeyer said. “One who believes that Colorado’s best days are ahead.”
Conversely, the populist candidates for governor, including figures such as Lopez and Colorado State Senator Mark Baisley, generally align with the MAGA and Christian right factions. They prioritize ideological purity, social conservatism (such as anti-trans rights positions), and strict adherence to principles like “election integrity.”
Victor Marx, who framed the governor’s race as a fight against the political class, said, “Colorado doesn’t need another politician. It needs a man of conviction, a leader with the backbone to fight for families, restore justice and give this state back to the people.”
Internal battles shaping the nominee
The sharpest internal conflict centers on who gets to select the nominee, rooted in the adoption of the semi-open primary system eight years ago.
In 2016, Colorado voters approved Proposition 108, which created a semi-open primary system, allowing unaffiliated voters to cast ballots in either the Democratic or Republican nominating contest. The law does permit the parties to opt out of this system and revert to closed assemblies, but only if 75% of their State Central Committee votes to do so.
This debate came to a head in September 2025 during a State Central Committee meeting in Aurora. Despite the vote resulting in confusion and immediate conflicting claims of victory, state party officers ultimately determined that the vote did not meet the legally required 75% super-majority threshold. Consequently, the 2026 gubernatorial primary will proceed as a semi-open election, allowing unaffiliated voters to participate.
The populist faction views this outcome as anti-conservative. State Representative Stephanie Luck, a vocal advocate for the “opt-out” movement during her campaign for governor, vehemently argued against how the primary is being run.
“This primary system is designed to dilute the voice of true conservatives,” Luck said. “When we allow non-Republicans to choose our nominees, we are compromising our principles before the general election even begins.”
The primary candidates, present at the forum, reflected this schism. Populist contenders like Lopez, Baisley and Colorado State Representative Scott Bottoms often aligned with the sentiment of former Colorado Republican chairman Dave Williams, who aggressively advocates to “close the primaries” so “only Republicans choose our Republican nominees.”
Establishment candidates, seeking broader appeal, echoed current leaders like Chair Brita Horn, who argue that alienating unaffiliated voters by opting out would be “foolish.” Horn opposed the opt-out but noted that “the party would continue funding the lawsuit aimed at undoing Proposition 108.”
The semi-open system that will be used in the June 30, 2026, election forces candidates to temper their rhetoric and appeal to the middle, resulting in a paradox: the most ideological voters want purity, but electoral reality requires a nominee who can appeal to moderates and independents.
Candidates agree on Democrat mismanagement
Polling suggests a majority of Coloradans view national GOP policies negatively, adding pressure on candidates to show independence. State Senator Cleave Simpson commented on the challenge:
“This special session was never about collaboration; the script was written before the gavel dropped,” Simpson said. “I am confident we would have found meaningful solutions that don’t increase taxes on Coloradans had only my Democrat colleagues opened the door to honest, bipartisan collaboration.”
On one point, the nine candidates were unanimous: state Democrats had mismanaged the budget and grown the government irresponsibly.
“The $850 million deficit isn’t a funding crisis. It’s a failure of nerve,” Lopez said. “We don’t need new taxes; we need a governor willing to take a chainsaw to the inefficiency that is currently suffocating Colorado families.”
The candidates also grappled with the tension between local control and state policy on housing. Republican lawmakers have supported bills banning growth-management ordinances like Boulder’s Danish Plan, which capped growth at 1.5 to 2% a year.
Kirkmeyer made the pragmatist case for intervention: “It’s time for us to be honest about housing. While I respect local control, Boulder’s policies are pricing out teachers, nurses and firefighters across the region. We cannot fix the cost of living in this state unless we end the supply restrictions that certain affluent cities impose on everyone else.”
While Jason Clark offered the libertarian counterpoint during the lightning round: “There is nothing the government’s going to do to reduce housing costs,” reflecting a minority view that dismisses intervention entirely.
Where they go from here
As the forum closed, candidates dispersed into two camps. The establishment wing, led by Kirkmeyer, spoke with business leaders, already focused on the general election and the need to appeal to Colorado’s two million unaffiliated voters.
“Our state can’t afford another primary driven by ideological signaling,” said J.J. Ament, President and CEO of the Denver Metro Chamber of Commerce. “We need a candidate who can articulate a vision for fiscal stability that appeals not just to the base, but to the unaffiliated voters who ultimately decide Colorado’s future.”
The populist candidates, meanwhile, rallied the base, leaning on applause lines about ideological warfare and anti-establishment fervor.
“I promise you this,” Lopez said. ”The waste, the bureaucracy and the regulatory bloat will stop on day one.”
The scene reflected the Colorado GOP’s core predicament: will the party return to power through conservative purity or pragmatic adaptation? Whichever candidate emerges must transform their critique of the budget deficit into a unifying plan that balances loyalty to the base with broad appeal to the center.
For many in the room, the choice came down to conviction versus compromise.
“We cannot compromise away our values simply to achieve a temporary peace with the status quo,” urged candidate Jon Frederick Gray-Ginsberg. “If we have to choose between governing with conviction and selling out with compromise, then I say let us stand on conviction, because only then can we truly lead.”
